Church decries ‘anti-clerical campaign’ after premier alleged that the Catholicos fathered a child and backed a coup attempt. A confrontation between Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and Armenia’s top Christian clerics seems to be deepening, polarising the deeply religious South Caucasus nation of 3 million. St Echmiadzin, the Armenian Apostolic Church’s headquarters, has been “taken over by the anti-Christian, immoral, antinational and antistate group and has to be liberated”, Pashinyan wrote on Facebook on Tuesday, adding: “I will lead this liberation.” The dispute escalated late last month, with bells ringing tocsin over St Echmiadzin on June 27. Usually, the loud and alarming sound signals an event of significance, such as a foreign invasion. But on that parching-hot June day, the noise rang out to signal the detention of a top cleric who, according to Pashinyan, was part of a “criminal-oligarchic clergy” that was involved in “terrorism” and plotted a “coup”. He said the “coup organisers” include the Church’s head, Karekin II, who has disputed with Pashinyan in a months-long personal feud. But the conflict should not be seen as a confrontation between secular authorities and the entire Church, observers said. “It’s a personal clash,” Richard Giragosian of the Regional Studies Center think tank based in the Armenian capital, Yerevan, told Al Jazeera. But some Armenians still described the furore in almost apocalyptic terms. “We lost our statehood so many times, so being part of the Church was equal to being Armenian,” Narine Malikyan, a 37-year-old mother of two from Armenia’s second-largest city of Guymri, told Al Jazeera. “Attacking the Church is like attacking every Armenian.” The Church, whose doctrine differs from that of the Roman Catholic and Orthodox sees, has for centuries helped maintain the identity of Armenians while their lands were ruled by Iranians, Byzantines, Arabs, Mongols, Turks and Russians. The conflict between Pashinyan and Karekin is rooted in the 2020 war between Armenia and Azerbaijan that ended a decades-old “frozen conflict”. In the early 1990s, Nagorno-Karabakh, a mountainous Azeri enclave dominated by ethnic Armenians, broke away in a bloody war that uprooted up to a million. Moscow-backed separatist leaders from Nagorno-Karabakh became part of Armenia’s political elite and cultivated ties with the Church. The so-called “Karabakh clan” spawned two presidents who ruled Armenia for 20 years but were accused of corruption, cronyism and pocketing donations from Armenian diasporas in France, the United States and Russia. In 2018, Pashinyan, an ex-lawmaker and popular publicist, led huge protests that toppled the “Karabakh clan”. He became prime minister with approval ratings of more than 80 percent. Some protesters back then flocked to St Echmiadzin to urge Karekin to step down as they lambasted his penchant for luxurious cars and lavish parties. Two years later, Armenia lost Nagorno-Karabakh in a 44-day war that proved the superiority of drone attacks and hi-tech stratagems. By 2023, Azerbaijan regained control of the entire Dubai-sized territory, while tens of thousands of its residents flocked to Armenia. Karekin blamed Pashinyan for the defeat, even though observers have argued that the responsibility lies with his predecessors’s miscalculations. Pashinyan struck back. He claimed that 73-year-old Karekin – who was ordained in 1970, studied theology in Austria, Germany and Moscow and became the Church’s head in 1999, broke his vow of celibacy to father a child – and should, therefore, vacate his seat. “If Karekin II tries to denounce this fact, I’ll prove it in all necessary ways,” Pashinyan wrote on Facebook on June 9. He did not specify the details, but Armenian media “discovered” that Karekin’s alleged daughter is a medical doctor in Yerevan. Karekin did not respond to the claim but accused Pashinyan of dividing Armenians. “The anti-clerical campaign unleashed by authorities is a serious threat to our national unity, domestic stability and is a direct blow to our statehood,” the grey-bearded clergyman, clad in a ceremonial robe adorned with crosses, said on June 22 at a ceremony at St Echmiadzin. A day later, a priest called Pashinyan “Judas” and claimed he was circumcised. Pashinyan retorted by offering to expose himself to the priest and Karekin. On June 27, dozens of intelligence officers interrupted a conference in one of St Echmiadzin’s tawny, centuries-old buildings to forcibly deliver another Pashinyan critic, Archbishop Mikael Adjapakhyan, to an interrogation. But priests and parishioners summoned by the tocsin fought them off – while critics compared the incident to the 1938 killing of Armenia’s top cleric in St Echmiadzin during the Soviet-era crackdown on religion. Hours later, Archbishop Adjapakhyan volunteered for an interrogation, telling supporters that he “was being persecuted illegally”. He was arrested for two months – along with 14 alleged “coup organisers,” including another archbishop, Bagrat Galstanyan, opposition lawmakers and “Karabakh clan” figures. The coup was supposed to take place on September 21, on Armenia’s Independence Day, according to its plan leaked to the Civic.am daily. Also arrested was construction tycoon Samvel Karapetyan, who made his estimated $3.6bn fortune in Russia and owns Armenia’s main power company. Karapetyan had threatened Pashinyan, saying if the conflict with Karekin is not solved, “we will take part in it all in our own way.” The arrests were “a move by the Armenian government to preempt any potential Russian interference in the coming [parliamentary] elections that are set for June 2026”, analyst Giragosian said. Those opposed to Pashinyan’s Civil Contract Party have accused him of siding with Azerbaijan and Turkiye. But Baku has its qualms about Pashinyan. “Pashinyan is by far not a peace dove,” Emil Mustafayev, chief editor of the Minval Politika magazine based in the Azeri capital, Baku, told Al Jazeera. “He is hard to negotiate with.” However, after the loss of Nagorno-Karabakh, Pashinyan “began to take heed of Baku’s position”, Mustafayev said. “Of all possible options in Yerevan, he’s the least problematic partner one can have a dialogue with, no matter how complicated it is.” Analyst Gigarosyan agreed. “Pashinyan is the best interlocutor [Baku and Ankara] could hope for because of predictability and also because he’s looking to turn the page,” he said. “He’s not looking for revenge.” And even though Pashinyan’s current approval ratings are well below 20 percent, his party may become a political phoenix and win the June 2026 vote. Armenian opposition parties are either centred around two former presidents from the “Karabakh clan” who are deeply mistrusted, or are too small and splintered to form sizeable coalitions and influence decision-making in the unicameral, 107-seat parliament. “They’re likely to win,” Giragosian said of Pashinyan’s party. “Not because of a strong degree of support, but because the opposition is hated and feared more.” Follow Al Jazeera English:...

ADEYINKA ADEDIPE writes on the jostle for tickets and political intrigues surrounding the vacant senatorial and House of Representatives seats in Edo State, following the election of Governor Monday Okpebholo and Deputy Governor Dennis Idahosa With the by-election lurking to fill the vacant seats in Edo Central Senatorial District and the Ovia Federal Constituency of the House of Representatives, political parties and gladiators in Edo State are getting ready for the next battle. Though on a small scale, the stakeholders are not leaving any stone unturned in their quest to get their party’s nod and eventually win the election. Those ready to vie for the tickets of the parties are not leaving anything to chance, as they had commenced consultations with party leaders and their supporters, in the hope that the “pie will fall their way”. Beyond consultation, an underground campaign has begun with aspirants moving around their constituency to sell their programmes to the electorate. Both positions were vacated by Governor Monday Okpehbolo and his deputy, Dennis Idahosa, after winning the September 21, 2024 governorship election on the platform of the All Progressives Congress and their eventual swearing-in. The Independent National Electoral Commission is yet to release guidelines/timetables for the by-election, but this has not deterred political parties, aspirants and stakeholders from mapping out strategies in the hope that the outcome will eventually be in their favour. What makes the election more intriguing is that the animosity between the two leading parties, the APC and the Peoples Democratic Party, has yet to subside and appears to be worsening by the day. The APC’s victory in the governorship election is currently being contested at the tribunal, which was relocated to Abuja due to the daily skirmishes between leaders and members of the parties. At the tribunal, the PDP is praying that the court declares its candidate, Asue Ighodalo, the winner. The APC, whose candidate, Okpehbolo, was declared the winner by the INEC, has already hit the ground running and hopes to win at the tribunal to validate his victory. Both parties also clashed when the APC’s acting state chairman, Jarrett Tenebe, led party members to “reclaim” its secretariat on Airport Road, which PDP leaders claimed belonged to their party, condemning the “APC thugs” for invading their office. The rift caused by that action remains unresolved, widening the divide between the two parties. Despite the ongoing accusations and counter-accusations between the two leading parties, the onus is on the party officials to field their best candidates to boost their chances of winning the election. Image makers of the APC, Peter Uwadiae-Igbinigie, and the PDP, Chris Nehikhare, are already talking tough and expressing optimism that their candidates will emerge victorious in the election. Speaking to The PUNCH, Uwadiae-Igbinigie said although the timetable was yet to be released, there was nothing wrong with people indicating their interest. He noted that the APC was still basking in the euphoria of its victory in last year’s governorship election and expressed hope that the good works of Governor Okpebholo and his deputy, Idahosa, would sway victory in his party’s favour. He noted that acceptability and competence would be major yardsticks to determine who would emerge as party aspirants for both elections. He said, “Though INEC has not released the timetable, people can indicate interest. The fact remains that the party cannot begin to look at candidates, as we do not have the working tools to decide who the candidates will be. We are still basking in the euphoria of our victory at the governorship poll. That in itself is a factor that will determine who the candidates are. “Those areas where we will have the by-elections are very strategic to our party. One of the elections will take place in the governor’s constituency, while the other will be held in the deputy governor’s constituency. Therefore, whatever happens must be considered in the overall interest of the party. The governor cannot afford to lose his senatorial district, and the deputy governor will also want to secure victory in his federal constituency. These are very crucial. “Also, acceptability and competence will be key factors in selecting the party’s candidates. Those who wish to run with the support of the governor and his deputy must be ready to serve the people. The deputy governor was called ‘Mr. Project’ during his time in the House of Representatives, while the governor, in his short time in the Senate, surpassed the achievements of all those who had represented the zone since the inception of the Fourth Republic. “So these are things the party must take cognisance of in electing who will fly its flag. However, with the good job the governor is doing in the state, our candidates will have the support of the electorate.” For Nehikhare, the PDP’s victory in those areas in the governorship election showed that the party is popular and can win both the senatorial and House of Representatives seats. He said the party’s aspirants and eventual candidates would have tangible achievements to present to the electorate as evidence of the PDP’s contributions to the state. He added, “As you well know, our party is the most organised in the state and we have sensitised our members in those areas where the by-elections will take place. Also, many of our members have indicated an interest in running for those positions and, as you will expect, they have been going to villages, wards and units in those areas to talk to party members about the need to have their backing. “It is even easier for aspirants because wherever they go, they have projects completed by the party to showcase. They know the party is well-structured and ready for the election; we are just waiting for INEC to release the timetable. “The only criteria to participate in the election is to be a party member. Other members in those areas will now decide who gets the party tickets and become the candidates. As the Publicity Secretary of the Caretaker Committee of the Edo State PDP, several people have talked to me about their aspirations. However, we will have to wait for the release of the timetable. While the leading parties are perfecting plans to put their best candidates forward, some of the candidates are upbeat about their chances and the need to get the process right. For the House of Representatives, the likes of Omosede Igbinedion and Charity Amayaenvbo have been touted for the position. Also, Lucy Omagbon is the only one who has signified interest in PDP. Amayaenvbo, speaking with The PUNCH, said his qualities would stand him out as he remains upbeat about securing the party’s ticket in a level-playing field contest. He said, “I have three core qualities that can stand me out among other aspirants in my party. In terms of performance, I think I have the best result so far in the party. Using the last election as a yardstick, I recorded the best result both at unit and ward levels in the whole of the federal constituency. “If it were in an exam situation, naturally the person that comes first will be promoted automatically and in this case, that would be me, I should be given the ticket without so much stress. I have been winning my ward in Ovia Federal Constituency. “Secondly, I always carry the people along. It is not just me and my supporters achieving this alone, but also the leadership in the wards, which is why we have been able to deliver for the APC. “The other one is loyalty in the sense that I have been an APC member from inception, and I have not jumped a party. Under former Governor Godwin Obaseki, while he was still in the APC, I was the Executive Director of Income Tax, Edo State Internal Revenue. I was disengaged because I refused to move to the PDP with the former governor. For me, that is the height of loyalty to a party I believe in. I have also worked and thrived in public and private practice.” When asked if he could win if there is a level playing field, he said, “The field will be made level for all the aspirants. My party is a democratic one, the field will be made level and by God’s grace, I will win the ticket.” For the Senate seat, the likes of John Yakubu, Friday Itulah, and Joe Ikpea, have signified their interests. Itulah, a PDP member, former House of Representatives member, and former Speaker of the state House of Assembly, said he had commenced consultations with members of his constituency and expressed confidence given his political experience. He said, “I was elected in 1999 to the state House of Assembly under the PDP and was re-elected in 2003, becoming the Speaker of the House of Assembly. In 2007, I was elected to the House of Representatives, where I served two terms. I have always been involved in the legislative process, a responsibility I am deeply passionate about. Representing my people in the Senate is the next step for me. “I have met with the ward executives in the five local government areas of the senatorial district. I have also published and shared details of my achievements while in the House of Representatives. On Tuesday, I began a tour of the five LGs in the senatorial district. I am doing everything possible to secure the ticket.” Meanwhile, former Esan North East Local Government Area chairman, John Yakubu, also of the PDP, expressed confidence in securing his party’s ticket. He said, “You asked about getting my party’s nomination, but I can tell you that putting myself forward was not solely my decision. Party leaders and supporters are working to ensure my participation in the election. I am confident of my party’s backing. I believe the party is only waiting for INEC to release the timetable before setting the election process in motion. “We are reaching out to the people, engaging them regarding our plans and vision. Since a date has not yet been announced, it would be inappropriate to start full-scale politicking. For now, we are consulting with members of our great party on how to approach the election. “We will hold off on open politicking for now, but I am confident the party will entrust me with the ticket, knowing that I have the experience and have been a foundation member of the PDP.” Joe Ikpea, contesting under the APC, is a former chairman of Esan South East and a former commissioner under Senator Adams Oshiomhole. He said he was prepared for the race and had been engaging with the people of the senatorial district to garner their support. “It is God who ultimately decides who gets the party’s ticket, but I am ready for the race and have been consulting with party leaders and members to gain their support,” he added.